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Would require universal background checks on all firearm sales and transfers, including private sales between individuals, closing what proponents call the "gun show loophole." The bill mandates that any person transferring a firearm must go through a licensed dealer for a NICS check, with narrow exceptions for family transfers and temporary sporting use. Opponents argue the bill creates a de facto firearm registration system and places undue burden on rural residents far from licensed dealers. The NRA and GOA rate this a top-priority opposition bill. No Republican co-sponsors as of the 118th Congress. Passed committee on party-line votes but has not received a floor vote.
VIEW FULL TEXT ↗Requires all states to recognize valid concealed carry permits issued by other states, treating carry permits similarly to driver's licenses for interstate recognition. Under the bill, a permit holder from Texas could carry in New York or California using their home state permit, subject to the destination state's carry laws regarding locations. Proponents argue it eliminates the patchwork of reciprocity agreements and protects law-abiding citizens traveling between states. Opponents argue it would force restrictive states to honor permits issued under far lower standards. The House passed H.R. 38 with bipartisan support in December 2022 (the SAPA provisions were attached). A companion Senate bill has failed to overcome procedural hurdles due to the 60-vote threshold required to advance.
VIEW FULL TEXT ↗Would remove suppressors from the National Firearms Act and instead regulate them like ordinary long guns under the GCA — requiring a background check but not the $200 tax stamp, 9-12 month wait, CLEO notification, or NFA registration process. The bill was rendered partially moot by the NFA tax stamp elimination in H.R. 1 (2025), which zeroed out the $200 fee. However, HPA supporters argue that full NFA deregulation is still necessary because the Form 4 approval wait times (currently 60-120 days even after the tax change) impose undue burdens and the registration system treats suppressors like machine guns. The bill has been introduced in every Congress since 2015 and has yet to receive a floor vote despite majority support in some Congresses.
VIEW FULL TEXT ↗Signed into law on June 25, 2022, the BSCA was the most significant federal gun legislation in nearly 30 years. Key provisions include: enhanced background checks for buyers under 21 (allowing time to contact juvenile records); closure of the "boyfriend loophole" by applying the domestic violence firearms prohibition to dating partners, not just spouses and cohabitants; $750 million for state crisis intervention programs including red flag laws; clarification that repetitive personal-collection sellers are engaged in the business and must obtain FFLs; and $15 billion in mental health and school safety funding over 10 years. The bill passed 65-33 in the Senate and 234-193 in the House. Gun rights groups have challenged the expanded "engaged in the business" provisions, which ATF later partially rescinded.
VIEW FULL TEXT ↗Would repeal the Protection of Lawful Commerce in Arms Act (PLCAA), the 2005 federal law that provides firearms manufacturers and dealers with qualified immunity from civil lawsuits when their products are used in crimes. Supporters argue PLCAA unfairly shields an industry from accountability available to every other manufacturer. Opponents — including the NRA, NSSF, and constitutional scholars — argue PLCAA does not bar lawsuits for defective products or negligent sales, only suits for the criminal misuse of a non-defective product by a third party. Removing PLCAA would expose manufacturers to potentially bankrupting litigation regardless of whether they did anything wrong. The bill failed to advance out of committee. Several states (New York, New Jersey, California) have enacted state-level PLCAA workarounds that are currently being litigated.
VIEW FULL TEXT ↗Would ban the sale, manufacture, transfer, and importation of semi-automatic rifles, pistols, and shotguns with military-style features including pistol grips, folding/telescoping stocks, thumbhole stocks, and the ability to accept detachable magazines. The bill would also ban magazines holding more than 10 rounds. Weapons legally possessed before enactment would be grandfathered but transfers would be prohibited. Challengers argue that post-Bruen, the bill cannot survive text-and-history scrutiny because semi-automatic rifles and standard-capacity magazines are in common use for lawful purposes — the Heller standard. The SCOTUS cases Viramontes v. Cook County and NAGR v. Lamont will likely determine whether any federal assault weapons ban could survive constitutional challenge.
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